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The
guileless have said that Maeterlinck belongs to no period. This
is because they have lost themselves so completely in his mystical
forests that they can no longer see the wood of modernity for
the trees of illusion. To them his magic is witchcraft. In seeking
the source of the rainbow, they have found nothing but mist.
Nevertheless, the period claims him. The opportunity of realism
comes with the age of false romance. And, in the same sequence,
there is a time for magic. It is the hour when all the world
is matter-of-fact.
The early eighteen-nineties saw the advanced theatre besieged
by social dramatists. They formed a European ring; Ibsen,
Strindberg, Tolstoy, Hauptmann, Henri
Becque and the authors of the comédie rosse. Their
social gospels varied, but they all practiced in common the outward
technique of realism, with its perfection of modern dialogue
and setting. The subject varied, too. Here it was the life of
the bourgeoisie, there that of the peasantry or the slums.
Social politics were touched upon, as in The Weavers or
An Enemy of the People. An atmosphere of moral indignation
pervaded the stage. Society was "unmasked"; convention
was exposed; new moralities were preached. Each author, mounting
the realistic steed, set off at a gallop in pursuit of "Truth."
And truth was the actual, the existing fact.
This was the destined hour of the magician, and Maeterlinck
appeared. The apparition was startling, and some critics, seeking
a pompous imbecility to cover their confusion, named him "the
Belgian Shakespeare." In this fashion Chekhov
might be named "the Russian Ibsen," or Hugo von Hofmannsthal
"the Austrian Dante." Such is the disintigrating force
of the new idea upon the mind of the expert labeller.
The originality of the earlier Maeterlinck was marked in three
respects; in setting, subject and technique. I take them consecutively.
The setting was at first sight unfamiliar and (to the social
politician) reactionary. The peasant cottages and middle-class
parlours of the realist drama gave place to dim halls of feudal
castles, gloomy medieval forests and battlefields remote from
space and time. The atmosphere was that of a dream-world with
the surface ethics of a barbaric age. So far, however, Maeterlinck
might be said only to have rediscovered the vessel of the old
romance which had lain unused so long.
The subject was more unfamiliar still. Dramatists of all ages
had been concerned to lay bare the motive of human action. Even
the playwright-manipulator of the market place, endeavoring to
conceal the strings he pulled, alleged a motive for his puppets;
and the modern realists, challenging the order of society, sought
the true motive of actual men and women. Shaw,
hurling the thunderbolts of his prefaces at an astonished Anglo-Saxon
world, denounced the attempt "to found our institutions
upon the ideals suggested to our imaginations by our half-satisfied
passions, instead of upon genuinely scientific natural history."
Motive, then, was regarded as a fixed scientific fact, accessible
to investigation and exact analysis. It was a definitely adjusted
part of the human mechanism. Thus the logical evolutionist, supported
by nineteenth century thought. Maeterlinck modified this conception
without attempting a frontal assault upon it. He went deeper
than the logicians, and sought the source of all motive, the
underlying self. Here he was supported by modern psychology,
which draws a distinction between the conscious and the sub-conscious
ego. He was concerned, however, not with a new scientific form
of drama to replace the old, but only with the expression of
a temperament. He dramatized the sub-conscious, the subterranean
and tremulous in man, called it forth and gave it life. It took
the form of the child-spirit, and its dominant trait was ever-present
fear. It was awakened at night after the sleep of centuries,
and found the darkness peopled with the unknown. Fate, a malignant
horror with lean, clutching hands, hovered in the gloom of the
castle hall and crouched behind every tree in the forest, purposing
a rape of the soul. Even the blind were conscious of its presence.
The children fled before it, seeking to return to their sleep;
but every way was barred, and they beat their hands vainly upon
heavy iron doors. Such children as Pélléas and
Mélisande, Aglavaine and Sélysette.
The technique was newest of all. The sub-conscious mood, hitherto
expressed only in music, found words. It became articulate through
symbolic speech, repetition, archaism and subtle delicacy of
suggestion. Above all, through a perfection of the artless.
This was the service of the earlier Maeterlinck; a notable
discoverer.
Monna Vanna was the turning point. In setting, the
transition was from the mystical to the historical, from the
dimly imagined to the known. The place, Pisa; the period, the
close of the fifteenth century. The roaming symbolist, then,
was tethered by his own choice; and, feeling the unfamiliar pull
of the imprisoning rope, at each browsing sweep he narrowed his
range of liberty still further, ending at last with many plaintive
bleats in a tangle of impotence. But of that later.
In subject there was a vaster change. The children had grown
up. They were no longer afraid of the dark. They passed from
moods to problems, from the midnight dream-world to the high
noon of passion, from an atmosphere to a morality. A dictated
morality of unheroism, in accord with the "movements"
of the age; such a gospel as sparkled in lighter form through
the pages of Arms and the Man. Some of their former characteristics
they retained–the half-blindness of Marco, for example–but
for the most part they were older and less ingenuous. Yet in
growing up they had grown no stronger. Their problems were too
great for them. Spoiled children from the first, they became
querulous and unmanageable. The reason for this is not far to
seek. The perfect simplicity of the earlier Maeterlinck portrayed
each individual as a clearly defined, homogeneous figure, troubled
by fate, but yet limpid and serene within. The child-spirit was
a complete whole, the grown man a conflicting cosmos. Instinct
guided the poet in his native drama of the sub-conscious; it
deserted him almost wholly in the drama of action.
In technique too, there was a lapse. The artless gave place
to the artificial, and the old simplicity of speech and form
to a covenant with the theatre. The effective thrill of Vanna,
naked beneath her cloak in the tent of Prinzivalle, her great
stage lie at the close, her all important "aside" ("Tais-toi
. . . je te délivrerai . . . . nous fuirons") at
the critical moment, the explanatory speeches of Marco as raisonneur;–these
were all commonplaces of the theatrical specialist, but they
were foreign to Maeterlinck’s genius. Moving in the depths of
the child-spirit he had been profound; returning to the surface
of life he was–superficial.
Let us look more closely at the figures of this drama. Pisa
is beleaguered by the Florentines and reduced to famine. Guido,
husband of Monna Vanna, commands the garrison. The old philosopher
Marco, his father, returns from the besieging camp with terms
of peace. Marco has been the guest of the Florentine mercenary,
Prinzivalle, and has found him no barbarian, as was rumoured,
but a man of parts, wise, reasonable and humane. "But where,"
he asks, "is the wise man without his madness, or the good
man who has never harboured a monstrous thought?" Prinzivalle’s
terms are that Vanna shall go to him at night, naked beneath
her cloak, and shall pass the night in his tent; earning thereby
the safe entry into Pisa of a convoy with provisions and the
raising of the siege. Marco urges his son to accept them: "Do
what this madman asks, and the deed which seems to you hideous
will seem heroic to those who survive . . . . It is an error
to believe that the pinnacle of heroism is to be found only in
death. The most heroic act is the most painful, and death is
often easier than life." Here is the new morality of reason,
linking Maeterlinck with the tendencies of a period. Guido refuses;
but Vanna consents, and goes to Prinzivalle.
Prinzivalle, unknown to Vanna, had loved her in his youth.
He talks with her now; they speak frankly as friends. She binds
up his wounds, and treats him at moments almost like a mother.
The purpose of her coming is barely touched upon. Her speech
is half naïve, half yielding. Very simply she expresses
her astonishment at being able to speak with him at all, for
"Je suis très silencieuse." (What sinuous magic
in this word!) Still Prinzivalle forbears to take her; and their
conversation is broken by an alarm in the camp. A new detachment
of the Florentines has arrived, and Prinzivalle is proclaimed
a traitor. Vanna implores him to return with her to Pisa, where
he will be received honourably as a guest. She kisses him upon
the forehead, and he carries her away in his arms.
Within the city Marco and Guido await them. Here the conventions
of the theatre gain the upper hand, and, to borrow a phrase of
Prinzivalle, "ce dernier acte est le seul qui ne prouve
rien." Vanna declares that she is unharmed; Guido refuses
to believe her. Protestations and incredulity–these are familiar
scenes, but they are at least convincing. The unreal triumphs
with the recognition of Prinzivalle. Note the gradual lapse into
the theatrical rut. Guido believes at first that Vanna has brought
him as a victim, to revenge her wrong. She still protests: "He
did not touch me," "Why not?" "Because he
loves me." Guido is tortured by ignorance, craves for certainty.
At all costs he must know the whole truth. Prinzivalle is seized
and bound for torture. Vanna rushes into the midst of the guards,
crying, "No! I lied! He took me! He is mine!" (Aside
to Prinzivalle, "Be silent! I will free you! We will fly
together!") Stage psychology ready-made; a wild, clap-trap
scene. For the sake of form Guido asks "Why is he here?
Why did you lie?" and for the sake of form she answers,
"I lied to spare you . . . . I brought him to revenge myself."
The play sinks fast, but Vanna’s proof touches the depths. She
approaches Prinzivalle and embraces him with a show of hatred.
"Thus and thus I kissed him! . . . He is mine! . . . I will
have him! . . . He is the trophy of this night of mine!"
Prinzivalle is led away. "Adieu . . . we shall meet again!"
Then, taking the key of his prison, she goes out alone to set
him free. "Ce dernier acte . . . ne prouve rien."
And the ethics? (For Monna Vanna has been called an
ethical drama.) Accept for the sake of argument the wildly preposterous
fact of Prinzivalle’s demand. Marco urges a morality of unheroism
and sacrifice; but he claims in the same breath that it is based
upon the experience of age. He foreshadows a time when sole possession
will not be the highest aim of love; but his immediate instance
is the prostitution of the beloved to the caprice of a mercenary.
Guido commands the garrison; but he allows Vanna to go against
his will. Having allowed her to go, he stands upon his honour
and refuses to forgive her. Prinzivalle is a philosopher, but
yet "a madman." He loves Vanna, but he does not take
her. As for Vanna herself, she remains a mystery. (Perhaps a
mystery even to her author.) She loves Guido and treats him almost
with contempt; loves Prinzivalle in an instant, and saves him
in the next. The last impression of her is the strongest; as
the steam of the theatrical machinery in the final act. The motive
of an ethical drama of weaklings.
Let us be uncritical for a moment, even towards these spoiled
children. It is ill work to be forever breaking butterflies upon
a wheel. And in this Monna Vanna there is so much music
of speech, so much brave show of colour, so much pure joy of
life. There are triumphant moments; as when Prinzivalle draws
aside the curtain of his tent, and the fiery towers of Pisa are
seen against the sky. These are in part a legacy of past achievement;
in part the flame of a fate at its zenith. Monna Vanna
is a landmark, a monument to the parting of ways. With the earlier
dramas, it traces the history of Maeterlinck the poet. He had
himself emerged from the gloom of the forest for the first time;
and if he blinked overmuch in the glare of noon, and his mystical
second sight deserted him, that may have been little for him
by comparison with the new sense of life and passion. One should
not darken the eyes of the poet, as finches are blinded to make
them sing more sweetly. He must choose his own surroundings.
Only, it is the song that matters to the world, not the singer;
and there is one of the riddles of art and life. After Monna
Vanna, Maeterlinck was no longer a discoverer. He became
a purveyor of water after wine. But the wine must first be tasted,
before the water is thrown away.
†This article was originally published
in Modern Dramatists by Ashley Dukes. New York: Books
For Libraries Press, Inc., 1912. pp. 242-54.
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